Substantial emptiness, radical tolerance

This phrase from sociologist Ulrich Beck seems perfectly suited to what we are experiencing today. Extremes have become commonplace, even among those once considered reasonable, who now eagerly jump on the bandwagon of excesses. The “extreme center” itself has been extensively theorized. In a world where moderates are disappearing, democratic practice now systematically resorts to extremes. A belligerent culture has taken root in the political and societal landscape.

In his “History of the Peloponnesian War,” Thucydides described this mechanism of hatred toward others inevitably leading to total war. The poisons threatening our democracy are no different from the dynamics of civil war recounted by Thucydides. He shows us how polarization processes lead to bias and deprive us of perspective. Just like the inhabitants of Corcyra, who in 427 BC were convinced of their total victory, succumbing to anger and radical positions that seemed legitimate to them. Following their victory (thanks to an alliance with Athens, which embodied the rule of law), the Corcyraean democrats brutally avenged themselves on the oligarchs, spilling their blood and that of their supporters without hesitation. Subtly, Thucydides suggests the futility of eradicating the adversary because any total victory is inherently dangerous and destabilizing. Total victory carries within it the seeds of perversion, as democrats then become no better than oligarchs.

Although the goal of the Corcyraean democrats was to perpetuate their system, they used the same methods as their enemies to achieve it. The essence of democracy, however, is not to silence the opponent, let alone eradicate them from the system. John Stuart Mill explained that it was precisely because no victor could be consecrated that religious wars paved the way for coexistence between Protestants and Catholics. Tocqueville reminds us that we accept being among the losers of an election today in the hope that we may be victorious tomorrow. Yesterday and today, violence in all its forms can only be avoided by abandoning the myth of total victory. We must never expect—never hope for—the complete defeat of the other, as it will inevitably lead to violence. Impasse and doubt, meanwhile, lead to tolerance toward the other, even if we hate them. Orwell warned against polarization, Huxley against tyranny.

Did you know that the moderates of Corcyra were also massacred in turn? Their hesitation to take sides (between democrats and oligarchs) was interpreted as an insult to those risking their lives for their convictions. The very existence of these moderates in Corcyra—and their survival—had become an affront to extremists on all sides. For belligerents at both extremes, moderation was no longer acceptable. Moderation was seen as cowardice, even complicity. The moral: even a democrat can turn into a dictator, if it’s for a good cause.

For many of us today, our democracy has become alienating, sometimes bordering on totalitarianism. Once a laboratory of humanity, France is gradually becoming an outdated civilization. It has renounced politics. It has nothing more to offer the world. It has become a sort of tedious homeowners’ association. Its dysfunctions at all levels extinguish any hope for a better life. For many others, this country is synonymous with brutality and harassment. “People must be forced to be free,” said Jean-Jacques Rousseau. “The price of freedom is eternal vigilance,” warned Thomas Jefferson.

But what is the point of being free and destitute, free and never considered?