What Khomeini Told Me

Khomeini was a gentle man.

His gaze was always of indisputable kindness toward me—almost paternal, never intimidating. His face bore regular, harmonious, almost feminine features. I perceived a refined, elegant person, the opposite of obscurantism. In fact, he even smelled good, as if he had put on perfume. A mystic stood before me, a theologian exuding intellectual power.

“The guiding principle of my life, Michel, is that one must seek knowledge and perfection from the cradle to the grave.”

Then, without transition:

“My personal relationship with God is, for me, as powerful as it is enigmatic. I inherited it from the old Persian poets, and I keep it mostly to myself. I am an introvert. My dialogue is primarily with God, then with myself. The fact is, dear young Michel, I am an intuitive.”

Continuing his monologue in a calm voice, yet with unshakable determination:

“But I am not Gandhi, because I support state violence. The regime I am about to establish does not exist anywhere else in the world. It is meant to surprise the world and shock the Arabs. Iran will become the diplomatic giant of global disorder. We will reject every international norm, one after the other.”

Mysticism and politics were harmoniously intertwined in Khomeini’s mind.

Back in Iran, he was preparing to take on every role: jurist, politician, religious leader. His personal brand of mysticism did not—for him—contradict the mass summary executions that would occur under his authority, carried out for the “common good.” In Khomeini’s worldview, the use of force and violence was legitimized by a grand and ultimate goal. His blunt yet sincere remark—“I never signed a brotherhood contract with anyone”—was telling.

That affable man—who was, at least toward me that afternoon—had planned everything. My intuition whispered that I was facing a revolutionary proud of his integrity, like Saint-Just.

Not a Friend of the Palestinians

“The Palestinian cause—being secular—has become the opium of the Muslim people, who judge everything through a distorted mirror. Arab despots shamelessly exploit the so-called ‘cause’ of Palestine. Under the pretext of fighting Israel, they enslave their own people and strengthen their tyranny. This is not my fight. Besides, the Palestinians themselves poorly defend their admittedly legitimate cause. Moreover, their activism harms the Shiites in southern Lebanon, who are bombarded by Israel in response. I will have to act to disarm the Palestinians in the south and deprive Israel of its excuse to harm our poor Shiite brothers there. In this respect, the Palestinian cause actually goes against the interests of our brothers in Lebanon.

I refuse to pay the price for a fight that is not ours. On this point—and only this point—I agree with the Shah. This in no way implies support for Israeli policy, which is no better than that of apartheid-era South Africa. Still, I’ll have more than enough to deal with once I return home than to get entangled in the Palestinian cause, especially for Sunni Muslims who will, when the time comes, be the first to throw stones at us Shiites. Let us all be clear: the Palestinian cause is not central to Islam.”

I am not among those who believe the Revolution was stolen from him.

For one simple reason: the Revolution was Khomeini.

Still, he would quickly be torn between powerful conflicting factions. From the outset in 1979, he had to fight well-organized pressure groups advocating extreme ideological rigor—groups he ultimately failed to control. While Khomeini was uncompromising against the enemies of Islam, he struggled to mediate between the ultra-conservative factions in Iran—many of whom were his own friends and disciples. He intervened only as a last resort, and often wavered.

France’s Crucial Role in the Islamic Revolution

“That cursed Shah forced me to live in a Muslim country undergoing full Westernization—in a Turkey that had become secular against its will, where even the Arabic script was banned. I then had to seek refuge in Iraq, but that dog Saddam expelled me at the Shah’s request. That move will destroy them both in the short term, because the freedom I will enjoy here in France is beyond comparison with the absolute lack of it I had in Iraq. My exile in France will be their downfall. Here, I will create a second power center—because my revolution will first be a media revolution.”

“The American ambassador and an envoy from your President Giscard came to visit, both stating that their governments did not wish to hinder my actions, especially since the Shah’s illness had reached a terminal stage. I have credible sources confirming that a Mr. Bonnet, high up in French intelligence, confirmed that Carter and Giscard decided at their Guadeloupe meeting earlier this year to stop supporting Pahlavi—and even facilitate his fall.

You see,” Khomeini said mockingly, “your Western leaders, at the highest level, came to me—betraying the Shah, their decades-long ally! Why did he flee like a dog? Because Giscard and Carter agreed he must lose power as soon as possible. His former friends abandoned him,” Khomeini said gravely, his eyes aflame. “Your Interior Minister, a certain Poniatowski, went to Iran late last year. He returned and told your president it was over for the Shah.

That visit and that Guadeloupe meeting convinced the Shah he was truly abandoned. Another of his doctors, also French, Professor Bernard, recently told Giscard the Shah had only weeks to live. Can you imagine how this destabilized the West? Their entire political and economic order rested on the body of a man whose days were numbered. They decided neither I nor the Shah would rule—but in doing so, they opened the door for me to step in with ease. Picture this: I was even visited secretly in Neauphle by a strange man claiming to head French counterintelligence—Alexandre de Marenches. He confirmed that Carter was determined to oust the Shah.

Carter also sent a U.S. general, Huyser, to instruct Iran’s army not to intervene in support of the fallen emperor. This wasn’t chance. History—like my return today—was made possible thanks to Carter the weak. The lesson? It is more profitable to be America’s enemy than its friend. Look how they treated the Shah—until the end, he didn’t know if the Americans still backed him.”

French Intellectuals’ Endorsement

“I’m also widely supported by your intellectuals in France, who saw the Shah as a petty embodiment of imperialism to be loathed. Sartre and Beauvoir stood firm behind my cause. But the most devoted was Foucault, who like me is a partisan of disorder—of which I will become a great architect. After his trips to Iran last summer, his article in your leading newspaper turned me into a symbol.

The endorsement of the French intelligentsia, did you know, Michel, was a key step in the making of my myth. In Paris, we turned down hundreds of interviews. You wouldn’t believe how many journalists cried when we couldn’t give them time! The fascination I inspired was mystical—but neither your political leaders nor journalists know what an Ayatollah is, or what Shiism really is.”

Then, looking at me with tender insistence:

“They naively believed I was just a spiritual leader. The photos of me leaning against the apple tree in the little Neauphle garden turned me into a shepherd of the world. My time has come, Michel,” he said, intermittently glancing out the window. “The CIA supports me: my Islamic Revolution is now officially endorsed by the American Empire. Can you grasp this monumental shift? Even I am stunned that they chose me and the upheaval I promise—rather than favoring the Shah’s son and a temporary Regency.”

An Indictment of French-Style Universalism

“Since being in France, I’ve had time to study your civilization, which has always intrigued me. You French claim your Revolution is universal—but ours in Iran will be truly universal. I’ve realized your so-called universalism is actually a kind of fetishism. It’s hegemonic, a brutal colonialism more violent than slavery, for it does not destroy the body but annihilates minds and souls.

Your universalism metastasizes contempt. It is a crime against humanity—a form of ideological totalitarianism—destined to perish, like fascism, and soon, communism. Your universalism crushes entire populations, ethnic groups, religions you deem inferior. With secularism and free speech, you raise universalism to a modern divinity that humiliates dissenters.

Your indifference to the sacred has become pathological. Your civilization is dying—and that’s for the best! The Western man, convinced of his omnipotence, has forsaken the sacred, broken with himself, and demands others do the same. You’ve reduced transcendence to a hypothesis, thinking that in renouncing it, you control your salvation and fate. But this is only proof of your blindness, your denial of the tragic. You believe, in your pride, that you now hold your destiny in your hands. You think you know everything, can do everything. That’s exactly when great catastrophes strike.”

Nuclear First… Against the Saudis

“Let me tell you this, Michel—looking you straight in the eye—I consider the Saudis the greatest terrorists on earth. If the U.S. is diabolical, the Saudis are the Great Satan. The future will show what they are capable of. These Wahhabis are the scum of humanity—and we will settle their account with nuclear weapons.

My position is clear: the road to Jerusalem goes through Baghdad, through Damascus, through southern Lebanon—but also through Arabia. This means my priority will be to teach the Arabs some hard lessons before dealing with Israel. They are all extreme centrists, and I will take pleasure in showing them the meaning of true extremism—the one I will establish.

Under my rule, we will acquire nuclear weapons for one purpose: to terrorize the Saudis, who despise us Shiites and have defiled our holy places for millennia. The atom will be a divine weapon, used first and foremost to subjugate the Saudis and their minions.”

“It seems inevitable that blood will be shed. I know you’re very young, but I must tell you: my return will mean the death of many people. No Revolution can move forward without being ruthless. There are essential corpses in every Revolution.”
—A Youth in the Levant, Chapter 43, There Are Essential Corpses