{"id":31350,"date":"2026-03-18T09:45:35","date_gmt":"2026-03-18T08:45:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/michelsanti.fr\/?p=31350"},"modified":"2026-03-18T09:53:33","modified_gmt":"2026-03-18T08:53:33","slug":"the-pasdaran-in-robes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/michelsanti.fr\/en\/dynastic-succession\/the-pasdaran-in-robes","title":{"rendered":"The Pasdaran in Robe"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/p>\n

How Iran has just revealed the naked truth of its own regime \u2014 and why it changes everything<\/em><\/p>\n

There are moments in the history of regimes when the mask does not fall under external pressure. It falls through internal accident \u2014 because a crisis forces a decision too quickly, in the dark, without time to maintain appearances. On March 8, 2026, Iran experienced such a moment. That night, in a secret meeting in Qom, under bombardment, the Assembly of Experts appointed Mojtaba Khamenei as Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. In less than ten days, the regime resolved the one question it had never dared to settle publicly. And in doing so, it said \u2014 involuntarily, irreversibly \u2014 what it truly is.<\/p>\n

\n

The Founding Imposture<\/h3>\n

To understand what has just happened, one must return to the grammar of Iranian power. Since 1979, the Islamic Republic has rested on a structuring fiction: the Supreme Leader is not a monarch. He is a cleric \u2014 a faqih<\/em>, an Islamic jurist \u2014 whose authority derives from mastery of sacred texts, not from birth. That is precisely what distinguished the Khomeinist revolution from the Pahlavi monarchy it overthrew. Power was not transmitted by blood. It was earned through religious scholarship.<\/p>\n

This is precisely why a father-to-son succession was, until that night in March, considered unthinkable even within the system itself. For years, Mojtaba faced significant resistance within Iran\u2019s clerical and political establishment. The Islamic Republic had been explicitly founded to avoid the appearance of hereditary rule that characterized Iran under the Shah, and many within the regime viewed the prospect of dynastic succession as fundamentally incompatible with its ideological foundations. Under normal circumstances \u2014 had Ali Khamenei died of natural causes, after a prolonged institutional endgame \u2014 Mojtaba would not have been selected.<\/p>\n

What has occurred, therefore, is not a mere succession. It is the manifest transformation of Velayat-e Faqih<\/em> into hereditary power: the son succeeding the father at the head of an anti-monarchical dictatorship that once claimed to have eradicated dynastic rule forever.<\/p>\n

The Islamic Republic has just made itself into a Shah. It cannot unmake that.<\/p>\n

But this is not yet the central point. For Mojtaba is not merely a son succeeding his father. He is something more precise, more revealing \u2014 and infinitely more destabilizing for the regime\u2019s internal structure.<\/p>\n

\n

The Pasdaran in Robes: Anatomy of a Silent Takeover<\/h3>\n

Here is what almost no commentator states plainly. Mojtaba Khamenei is not a cleric who relies on the Revolutionary Guards. He is a Revolutionary Guard who wears clerical robes.<\/p>\n

The distinction is not semantic. It is constitutional, institutional, and \u2014 for the regime\u2019s future \u2014 existential.<\/p>\n

Mojtaba joined the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in the late 1980s, serving during the final years of the Iran\u2013Iraq War. For over two decades, he cultivated close ties with IRGC commanders, from the Qods Force to the Basij militia and the Guards\u2019 Intelligence Organization. When the U.S. Treasury sanctioned him in 2019, it stated that he worked with Qods and Basij commanders to advance the regime\u2019s regional objectives and its domestic repression. The story of the \u201cHabib Battalion\u201d is central here: a network of Iran\u2013Iraq War veterans who later formed Mojtaba\u2019s inner circle, helping recruit trusted operatives within the IRGC and Basij for the security apparatus built around him.<\/p>\n

Without the support of the Pasdaran, Mojtaba Khamenei could not have succeeded his father. The crisis merely provided the context in which they could impose what ordinary institutional resistance had previously prevented.<\/p>\n

A member of the Assembly of Experts, Shaykh Mahmoud Rajabi, inadvertently confirmed as much. \u201cThe country\u2019s wartime conditions,\u201d he said, \u201cwere among the most influential factors in selecting the Leader.\u201d This sentence deserves attention. Rajabi is not a liberal critic \u2014 he is an ideologue from the Mesbah-Yazdi circle, rooted in Qom\u2019s hardline seminaries. In phrasing it this way, he revealed what the regime would prefer to conceal: the selection did not proceed from theological judgment. It proceeded from a national security decision. Not the merit of the faqih<\/em> \u2014 but the urgency of the bunker. Velayat-e Faqih<\/em> had just confessed its own foundations.<\/p>\n

This is not a cleric who tamed an army. It is a man of the security apparatus who learned the language of clerics in order to wear their costume. His title of ayatollah, moreover, was formally conferred the very night of his appointment, broadcast live on state media, in what resembled less a religious recognition than a coronation.<\/p>\n

One does not become an ayatollah overnight. One is crowned.<\/p>\n

\n

Separation of Powers as Safeguard \u2014 and Illusion<\/h3>\n

Since 1979, the architecture of the Iranian regime has rested on a productive tension between two poles: the clergy and the Pasdaran. The Supreme Leader, a cleric at the apex, arbitrated between them. This duality was exhausting, conflictual, often paralyzing \u2014 but it was also the source of the regime\u2019s resilience. It prevented any single apparatus from devouring the others.<\/p>\n

Today, the Pasdaran control roughly a quarter of Iran\u2019s economy. They command ballistic missiles, drones, proxy networks across the Middle East, and the machinery of internal repression. What they did not have until March 8, 2026, was the turban. Now they have it.<\/p>\n

With Mojtaba, the arbiter has vanished. The Supreme Leader is no longer above the Pasdaran \u2014 he is their product, their creature, their emanation. For the first time in the history of the Islamic Republic, the two institutional poles have fused in a single person. And this fusion is not a strengthening: it is a structural catastrophe disguised as consolidation.<\/p>\n

Why? Because the duality was not a bug. It was the system\u2019s self-regulating mechanism. By eliminating it, the regime has just lost its primary internal pressure valve. All the tensions that once accumulated between clerical orthodoxy and the Pasdaran\u2019s militarized economic ambitions now have no institutional space in which to resolve. They will seek an outlet elsewhere.<\/p>\n

And that elsewhere has a name.<\/p>\n

\n

The Artesh: The Institution That Did Not Merge<\/h3>\n

The Artesh is avowedly apolitical. Its leaders repeatedly affirm loyalty to whatever regime is in place. Unlike the Pasdaran, it does not define itself as a revolutionary institution.<\/p>\n

This formula \u2014 loyal to any regime in place \u2014 now takes on an entirely new meaning. For the question is no longer \u201cIs the Artesh loyal to the regime?\u201d It is: \u201cWhat now constitutes the regime?\u201d<\/p>\n

A leader in a bunker, wounded, invisible, designated through inheritance in an anti-monarchical system, elevated to ayatollah overnight by clerics seeking to survive bombardment \u2014 is that the regime in place? Or a regime in flight?<\/p>\n

In the aftermath of the Twelve-Day War of June 2025, the Artesh had already gained increased influence in strategic deliberations, its role reinforced by its presence in the Supreme National Security Council and the creation of a National Defense Council. This institutional drift predates the current crisis \u2014 it is not a reaction to it. It is a structural trend.<\/p>\n

Here is the concrete mechanism now unfolding: with a phantom leader, the Artesh absorbing the initial military shock \u2014 its armored and infantry formations serving as the first line of defense \u2014 someone must sign, decide, coordinate on a daily basis. The Pasdaran, now fused with supreme power in Mojtaba\u2019s person, are both too exposed and too targeted to perform this administrative function. They have been designated a terrorist organization by the European Union since January 29, 2026. Their commanders are legitimate targets for Israel and the United States.<\/p>\n

The Artesh, by contrast, is not blacklisted. It did not massacre protesters in January \u2014 that was the work of the Pasdaran and the Basij. It remains the only Iranian institution still presentable on the international stage. In any postwar scenario, it is the only possible interlocutor.<\/p>\n

This is not a coup in preparation. It is something subtler and more powerful: a transfer of legitimacy by default.<\/p>\n

\n

A Slogan to Be Read as a Political Document<\/h3>\n

During the successive uprisings of the past decade, one slogan captured popular perceptions of Mojtaba\u2019s rise: \u201cMojtaba, may death prevent you from ruling.\u201d<\/p>\n

The importance of this slogan lies in what it reveals as the true scandal. The scandal was not corruption, nor even brutality. It was transparency. Iranians understood before analysts what Mojtaba represented: not a legitimate successor within a theocratic system, but proof that the system had never been what it claimed to be. A monarchy invoking God. A security apparatus dressed in Islamic jurisprudence.<\/p>\n

Today, many in Iranian society believe Mojtaba Khamenei is dead \u2014 or at least wish to believe it. This is not denial; it is a political statement. A leader imagined dead before having governed does not yet exist as real authority. And an authority that does not exist as a psychological reality in the minds of those it claims to govern is, in essence, already vacant.<\/p>\n

\n

What History Teaches About Regimes Built on Opacity<\/h3>\n

There is an empirical rule in political science, rarely stated but almost universally verified: authoritarian regimes do not fall at the height of their brutality. They fall when that brutality loses its internal legitimacy \u2014 when members of the apparatus themselves cease to believe in the narrative that justifies their own violence.<\/p>\n

By appointing Mojtaba, the regime has told its own soldiers, clerics, and bureaucrats: Velayat-e Faqih<\/em> was a fiction. What matters is family and security networks. We are not a revolution. We are an armed family enterprise.<\/p>\n

Some already knew this. But knowing it tacitly and hearing it declared officially \u2014 in the language of Islamic law and the Assembly of Experts \u2014 are two different things. Private disillusionment remains silent. Institutionalized disillusionment seeks an exit.<\/p>\n

That exit, in Iran in March 2026, can take only one form: an institution that did not participate in the imposture. An institution that can claim, tomorrow, that it was not present when the mask fell. An institution whose purpose is not to protect the revolution \u2014 but to defend Iran.<\/p>\n

The Artesh does not need to seize power. It need only remain standing while the others collapse under the weight of what they have just admitted.<\/p>\n

\n

The Islamic Republic will not die under bombs. It will die from having finally told itself the truth<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

How Iran has just revealed the naked truth of its own regime \u2014 and why it changes everything There are moments in the history of regimes when the mask does not fall under external pressure. 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